On the fifty-fith anniversary of a tragic event with long-lasting immeasurable consequences for untold millions, the following:
Posted on November 23, 2013 by Admin
Bush on Kennedy – “I come to bury Caesar, not to praise him” by Tim Veater.
lives in Dallas, said, “the 35th president believed in the greatness of the United States and the righteousness of liberty – and defended both”.
Anyone who has followed the events of that portentous day, and those that preceded it and came after, might be excused a sardonic smile. (Surprise, given the events of the last fifty years, are simply not permitted!). However the day a Bush sings the praises of a Kennedy, and particularly these Bushes and Kennedys, has probably never been equalled in literary imagination since Brutus's’ famous speech on the death of Caesar as recounted by Shakespeare:
“There is tears for his love; joy for his fortune; honour for his valour; and death for his ambition. Who is here so base that would be a bondman? If any, speak; for him have I offended.
Who is here so rude that would not be a Roman? If any, speak; for him have I offended. Who is here so vile that will not love his country? If any, speak; for him have I offended. I pause for a reply.”
Ah! The ace card of patriotism – “the last refuge of the scoundrel” as Samuel Johnson coined it. Who would dare impugn the reputation of the state to do deadly deeds against its own? Yet Brutus did indeed plunge the dagger into Caesar’s breast. As Mark Antony put it:
"O, what a fall was there, my countrymen! Then I, and you, and all of us fell down, Whilst bloody treason flourish’d over us. O, now you weep; and, I perceive, you feel The dint of pity: these are gracious drops. Kind souls, what, weep you when you but behold Our Caesar’s vesture wounded? Look you here, Here is himself, marr’d, as you see, with traitors."
America is a great country and its citizens are justly proud of its achievements. Such is the degree of patriotism that anyone suggesting the possibility of treachery is immediately labelled a conspirator or worse. Even after fifty years, the Institutions of the American State, have remained largely impervious to the monumental pile of evidence that points not only to a detailed
and intricately planned conspiracy to kill the President, but active involvement of the highest echelons of State administration itself.
The Warren Commission set up to inquire into events and produce the conclusion that Lee Harvey Oswald was the assassin and worked quite alone and without assistance of any kind, can now be seen for what it was, a fix. Yet the fudge has remained incredibly resistant to attack, despite the circumstances of the event, the multitude of witnesses uncalled to give evidence or who’s statements were altered, evidence was tampered with, State laws ignored, photographic and other evidence denied, an autopsy interfered with, Oswald’s extraordinary background and claims he had been set up before being shot by a known Mafia boss, the disappearance or death of a swathe of people involved, the way a subsequent prosecution by the New Orleans district attorney Jim Garrison (subject of Oliver Stone’s famous film) was obstructed at every stage by state functionaries, forensics that flatly contradicted the official story – the so called “magic bullet”, recorded deathbed testimony by E Howard Hunt (see http://www.rense.com/general76/hunt.htm ), one of the Watergate break-in team and a CIA operative in Dallas on the day and possibly one of the shooters. And so we could go on. That the Warren Commission would report as it did is hardly surprising. It had on it the ex-Director of the CIA, Allen Dulles, who Kennedy had sacked only a couple of years before and was known to hate them.
Worryingly we have seen many of the characteristics of the Kennedy assassination and subsequent Warren investigation replicated in the 9/11 Commission. Significantly in neither was a systematic criminal investigation instituted or criminal convictions obtained. A list of alleged conspirators is so extensive as to be mind-blowing. (see http://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2008/09/409701.html )
Clearly the Kennedy assassination was carried out without the President’s knowledge and consent. Could 9/11 have been similarly effected or was Bush fully cognisant? Bizarrely he didn’t hasten away when told in the classroom but then went completely incommunicado in Air Force One – effectively a Commander in Chief out of touch! Meanwhile his Secretary of Defence Rumsfeld is seen playing the hero on the lawn outside the Pentagon. You really could not make it more
bizarre could you?
So getting back to Bush junior’s “damning with faint praise” soliloquy, a much more personal question hangs in the air. Did his father have any knowledge of or involvement in Kennedy’s death? If he did, we would have the highly unusual and frankly sinister situation of two Bush family members, father and son, both Presidents of the United States, with deep and enduring interests in oil and the Gulf, instituting aggressive wars against Iraq, and connected, even if peripherally, in two of the most infamous incidents of U.S. domestic history of the last half century.
Many world events wash over us unremembered. Some have a certain iconic power to remain embedded in the memory. For anyone over the age of ten at the time, Kennedy’s assassination is such an event. It is almost apocryphal that there is not one in the world who cannot remember where they were and what they were doing on that November day. With one notable exception apparently. George H.W. Bush, with a first class intellect, when asked where he was when Kennedy was shot, replied vaguely that he was “somewhere in Texas.”
(See http://www.wnd.com/2013/09/did-george-h-w-bush-witness-jfk-assassination/#SSrq0UQMgB5rFF2p.99)
Detailed subsequent research has provided a possible explanation. First he was at the time employed by the CIA, and second he was in Dallas on the day! (See
http://www.wnd.com/2013/09/did-george-h-w-bush-witness-jfk-assassination/ ) Now how would you forget that? To forget working for the government and being present at the scene of the crime (by his own admission he wasn’t anywhere else that he could remember) is rather suggestive of something untoward. Bush’s name was found in the papers of George De Mohrenschildt, one of Lee Harvey Oswald’s CIA handlers and is referred to in other documents that place him in Dallas on
the day of Kennedy’s murder. Richard Nixon later hand-picked him as Republican National Committee chairman, in which role he constantly covered-up and stonewalled for his boss about Watergate. In 1975 he was appointed Director of the CIA by President Ford but only remained in it for a year later becoming Ronald Regan’s running mate and winning the Presidency for himself in 1988. Larry Chin Online Journal Associate Editor of rense.com in “Hunt’s Deathbed Confession
Reveals JFK Killers” (http://www.rense.com/general76/hunt.htm )makes the assertion:
“Beyond any reasonable doubt, the US government murdered John F. Kennedy. There are people still alive today who were involved directly and indirectly implicated. Some are probably even serving in positions of high influence. Some still have never been identified or touched.” The precise involvement of Bush Senior has never been disclosed but multiple sources suspiciously indicate there was at least some.
In similar vein, it is now clear beyond peradventure, 9/11 replicated elements of the Kennedy killing in terms of a dangerous internal cabal that has never been brought to justice because evidence has been destroyed and a police investigation has never been instituted. And all this when the diffident Bush Junior was President.
Well I never did!
ANTONY: “Friends, Romans, countrymen, lend me your ears;
I come to bury Caesar, not to praise him.
The evil that men do lives after them;
The good is oft interred with their bones;
So let it be with Caesar.” END.
Open in app or online
60 Years Ago Today
MICHAEL MOORE
JUN 11
President John F. Kennedy, on this day 60 years ago, lays out his plan to put an end to war.
Before the day ends, I want to share with you an incredible and moving historic moment that took place 60 years ago today on June 10, 1963.
President John F. Kennedy was asked to give the commencement address at American University in Washington, D.C. Happening just five months before his assassination, he bravely called for an end to war, the establishment of a permanent peace and the abolition of nuclear weapons. He asked Americans not to hate or fear the Russian/Soviet people, that they were a people of virtue who had sacrificed over 20 million of their citizens to defeat Hitler, and that we should never forget that. “We share the same planet,” he pleaded. “We breathe the same air.” He went on to say that we must be at peace with each other. And the billions we spend on weapons of war should be spent on eliminating poverty, educating our children, creating a clean environment. And here at home there can be no peace if we live in a nation of inequality. I’m guessing some Americans clearly saw his thinking in a not so positive way, just three years after Eisenhower’s equally brave warning about our dangerous “industrial-military complex” that was built to increase profits for the few who built and sold weapons and continually pushed us into war.
I’ve made just a few edits to shorten its length and to remove/update anachronisms that sound like they’re from an episode of Mad Men.
As I was listening to this speech today, I decided to send it on to President Biden (and his granddaughters). We need him to be in the spiritual and political soul space President Kennedy was in 60 years ago today. The Russians and the Ukrainians of the Soviet Union were our Allies. World War II would have probably been lost without them. The Russian people and the Ukrainian people are our friends. The madness must end. Peace can be achieved. If we lose our belief in that, then, as was said 60 years ago on this day, ultimately all will be lost. Please read Kennedy’s words before you turn out the lights tonight.
— Michael Moore
PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY:
“[American University] President Anderson, members of the faculty, board of trustees, distinguished guests, my old colleague, Senator Bob Byrd, who has earned his degree through many years of attending night law school, while I am earning mine in the next 30 minutes, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen:
It is with great pride that I participate in this ceremony of the American University, here in Washington DC.
‘There are few earthly things more beautiful than a university,’ wrote John Masefield in his tribute to English universities — and his words are equally true today. He did not refer to spires and towers, to campus greens and ivied walls. He admired the splendid beauty of the university, he said, because it was ‘a place where those who hate ignorance may strive to know, where those who perceive truth may strive to make others see.’
I have, therefore, chosen this time and this place to discuss a topic on which ignorance too often abounds and the truth is too rarely perceived — yet it is the most important topic on earth: world peace.
What kind of peace do I mean? What kind of peace do we seek? Not a Pax Americana enforced on the world by American weapons of war. Not the peace of the grave. I am talking about genuine peace, the kind of peace that makes life on earth worth living, the kind that enables citizens and nations to grow and to hope and to build a better life for their children — not merely peace for Americans but peace for all men and women — not merely peace in our time but peace for all time.
I speak of peace because of the new face of war. Total war makes no sense in an age when great powers can maintain large and relatively invulnerable nuclear forces and refuse to surrender without resort to those forces. It makes no sense in an age when a single nuclear weapon contains almost ten times the explosive force delivered by all the allied air forces in the Second World War. It makes no sense in an age when the deadly poisons produced by a nuclear exchange would be carried by wind and water and soil and seed to the far corners of the globe and to generations yet unborn.
Today the expenditure of billions of dollars every year on weapons acquired for the purpose of making sure we never need to use them is essential to keeping the peace. But surely the acquisition of such idle stockpiles — which can only destroy and never create — is not the only, much less the most efficient, means of assuring peace.
I speak of peace, therefore, as the necessary rational goal of a rational mankind. I realize that the pursuit of peace is not as dramatic as the pursuit of war — and frequently the words of the pursuer fall on deaf ears.
But we have no more urgent task.
Some say that it is useless to speak of world peace or world law or world disarmament — and that it will be useless until the leaders of the Soviet Union adopt a more enlightened attitude. I hope they do. I believe we can help them do it. But I also believe that we must reexamine our own attitude — as individuals and as a Nation — for our attitude is as essential as theirs. And every graduate of this school, every thoughtful citizen who despairs of war and wishes to bring peace, should begin by looking inward — by examining their own attitude toward the possibilities of peace, toward the Soviet Union, toward the course of the cold war and toward freedom and peace here at home.
First: Let us examine our attitude toward peace itself. Too many of us think it is impossible. Too many think it unreal. But that is a dangerous, defeatist belief. It leads to the conclusion that war is inevitable — that humankind is doomed — that we are gripped by forces we cannot control.
We need not accept that view. Our problems are self-imposed — therefore, they can be solved by us. And humankind can be exactly as we want it to be. No problem of human destiny is beyond human beings. Our reason and spirit have often solved the seemingly unsolvable — and we believe we can do it again…
Let us focus instead on a more practical, more attainable peace — based not on a sudden revolution in human nature but on a gradual evolution in human institutions — on a series of concrete actions and effective agreements which are in the interest of all concerned. There is no single, simple key to this peace — no grand or magic formula to be adopted by one or two powers. Genuine peace must be the product of many nations, the sum of many acts. It must be dynamic, not static, changing to meet the challenge of each new generation. For peace is a process — a way of solving problems.
With such a peace, there will still be quarrels and conflicting interests, as there are within families and nations. World peace, like community peace, does not require that each person love their neighbor — it requires only that they live together in mutual tolerance, submitting their disputes to a just and peaceful settlement. And history teaches us that enmities between nations, as between individuals, do not last forever. However fixed our likes and dislikes may seem, the tide of time and events will often bring surprising changes in the relations between nations and neighbors.
So let us persevere. Peace need not be impracticable, and war need not be inevitable. By defining our goal more clearly, by making it seem more manageable and less remote, we can help all peoples to see it, to draw hope from it, and to move irresistibly toward it.
Second: Let us reexamine our attitude toward the Soviet Union.
It is discouraging to think that their leaders may actually believe what their propagandists write.
Truly, as it was written long ago: ‘The wicked flee when no one pursueth.’ It is sad to realize the extent of the gulf between the Soviet Union and us. But it is also a warning — a warning to the American people not to fall into the same trap as the Soviets, not to see only a distorted and desperate view of the other side, not to see conflict as inevitable, accommodation as impossible, and communication as nothing more than an exchange of threats.
No government or social system is so evil that its people must be considered as lacking in virtue. Yes, as Americans, we find communism profoundly repugnant as a negation of personal freedom and dignity. But we can still hail the Russian people for their many achievements — in science and space, in economic and industrial growth, in culture and in acts of courage.
Among the many traits the peoples of our two countries have in common, none is stronger than our mutual abhorrence of war. Almost unique among the major world powers, we have never been at war with each other. And no nation in the history of battle ever suffered more than the Soviet Union suffered in the course of the Second World War. At least 20 million lost their lives. Countless millions of homes and farms were burned or sacked. A third of the nation's territory, including nearly two thirds of its industrial base, was turned into a wasteland — a loss equivalent to the devastation of this country east of Chicago.
Today, should total war ever break out again — no matter how — our two countries would become the primary targets. It is an ironic but accurate fact that the two strongest powers are the two in the most danger of devastation. All we have built, all we have worked for, would be destroyed in the first 24 hours. And even in the cold war, which brings burdens and dangers to so many nations, including this Nation's closest allies — our two countries bear the heaviest burdens. For we are both devoting massive sums of money to weapons that could be better devoted to combating ignorance, poverty, and disease. We are both caught up in a vicious and dangerous cycle in which suspicion on one side breeds suspicion on the other, and new weapons beget counterweapons.
In short, both the United States and its allies, and the Soviet Union and its allies, have a mutually deep interest in a just and genuine peace and in halting the arms race. Agreements to this end are in the interests of the Soviet Union as well as ours — and even the most hostile nations can be relied upon to accept and keep those treaty obligations, and only those treaty obligations, which are in their own interest.
So, let us not be blind to our differences — but let us also direct attention to our common interests and to the means by which those differences can be resolved. And if we cannot end now our differences, at least we can help make the world safe for diversity. For, in the final analysis, our most basic common link is that we all inhabit this small planet. We all breathe the same air. We all cherish our children's future. And we are all mortal.
Third: Let us reexamine our attitude toward the cold war, remembering that we are not engaged in a debate, seeking to pile up debating points. We are not here distributing blame or pointing the finger of judgment. We must deal with the world as it is, and not as it might have been had the history of the last 18 years been different.
We must, therefore, persevere in the search for peace in the hope that constructive changes within the Communist bloc might bring within reach solutions which now seem beyond us. We must conduct our affairs in such a way that it becomes in the Communists' interest to agree on a genuine peace. Above all, while defending our own vital interests, nuclear powers must avert those confrontations which bring an adversary to a choice of either a humiliating retreat or a nuclear war. To adopt that kind of course in the nuclear age would be evidence only of the bankruptcy of our policy — or of a collective death-wish for the world.
To secure these ends, America's weapons are nonprovocative, carefully controlled, designed to deter, and capable of selective use. Our military forces are committed to peace and disciplined in self-restraint. Our diplomats are instructed to avoid unnecessary irritants and purely rhetorical hostility.
For we can seek a relaxation of tension without relaxing our guard. And, for our part, we do not need to use threats to prove that we are resolute. We do not need to jam foreign broadcasts out of fear our faith will be eroded. We are unwilling to impose our system on any unwilling people — but we are willing and able to engage in peaceful competition with any people on earth.
Meanwhile, we seek to strengthen the United Nations, to help solve its financial problems, to make it a more effective instrument for peace, to develop it into a genuine world security system — a system capable of resolving disputes on the basis of law, of insuring the security of the large and the small, and of creating conditions under which arms can finally be abolished.
We have also tried to set an example for others — by seeking to adjust small but significant differences with our own closest neighbors in Mexico and in Canada.
Speaking of other nations, I wish to make one point clear. We are bound to many nations by alliances. Those alliances exist because our concern and theirs substantially overlap. Our commitment to defend Western Europe and West Berlin, for example, stands undiminished because of the identity of our vital interests. The United States will make no deal with the Soviet Union at the expense of other nations and other peoples, not merely because they are our partners, but also because their interests and ours converge.
Our interests converge, however, not only in defending the frontiers of freedom, but in pursuing the paths of peace. It is our hope — and the purpose of allied policies — to convince the Soviet Union that she, too, should let each nation choose its own future, so long as that choice does not interfere with the choices of others… For there can be no doubt that, if all nations could refrain from interfering in the self-determination of others, the peace would be much more assured.
This will require a new effort to achieve world law — a new context for world discussions. It will require increased understanding between the Soviets and ourselves. And increased understanding will require increased contact and communication. One step in this direction is the proposed arrangement for a direct line between Moscow and Washington, to avoid on each side the dangerous delays, misunderstandings, and misreadings of the other's actions which might occur at a time of crisis.
We have also been talking in Geneva about the other first-step measures of arms control designed to limit the intensity of the arms race and to reduce the risks of accidental war. Our primary long range interest in Geneva, however, is general and complete disarmament — designed to take place by stages, permitting parallel political developments to build the new institutions of peace which would take the place of arms. The pursuit of disarmament…however dim the prospects may be today, we intend to continue this effort — to continue it in order that all countries, including our own, can better grasp what the problems and possibilities of disarmament are.
The one major area of these negotiations where the end is in sight, yet where a fresh start is badly needed, is in a treaty to outlaw nuclear tests. The conclusion of such a treaty, so near and yet so far, would check the spiraling arms race in one of its most dangerous areas. It would place the nuclear powers in a position to deal more effectively with one of the greatest hazards which mankind faces in 1963, the further spread of nuclear arms. It would increase our security — it would decrease the prospects of war. Surely this goal is sufficiently important to require our steady pursuit, yielding neither to the temptation to give up the whole effort nor the temptation to give up our insistence on vital and responsible safeguards.
I am taking this opportunity, therefore, to announce two important decisions in this regard.
First: Chairman Khrushchev, UK Prime Minister Macmillan, and I have agreed that high-level discussions will shortly begin in Moscow looking toward early agreement on a comprehensive test ban treaty. Our hopes must be tempered with the caution of history — but with our hopes go the hopes of all humankind.
Second: To make clear our good faith and solemn convictions on the matter, I now declare that the United States does not propose to conduct nuclear tests in the atmosphere so long as other states do not do so. We will not be the first to resume. Such a declaration is no substitute for a formal binding treaty, but I hope it will help us achieve one. Nor would such a treaty be a substitute for disarmament, but I hope it will help us achieve it.
Finally, my fellow Americans, let us examine our attitude toward peace and freedom here at home. The quality and spirit of our own society must justify and support our efforts abroad. We must show it in the dedication of our own lives — as many of you who are graduating today will have a unique opportunity to do, by serving without pay in the Peace Corps abroad or in the proposed National Service Corps here at home.
But wherever we are, we must all, in our daily lives, live up to the age-old faith that peace and freedom walk together. In too many of our cities today, the peace is not secure because the freedom is incomplete.
It is the responsibility of the executive branch at all levels of government — local, State, and National — to provide and protect that freedom for all of our citizens by all means within their authority. It is the responsibility of the legislative branch at all levels, wherever that authority is not now adequate, to make it adequate. And it is the responsibility of all citizens in all sections of this country to respect the rights of all others and to respect the law of the land.
All this is not unrelated to world peace. "When one's ways please the Lord," the Scriptures tell us, "they maketh even their enemies to be at peace with them." And is not peace, in the last analysis, basically a matter of human rights — the right to live out our lives without fear of devastation — the right to breathe air as nature provided it — the right of future generations to a healthy existence?
While we proceed to safeguard our national interests, let us also safeguard human interests. And the elimination of war and arms is clearly in the interest of both. No treaty, however much it may be to the advantage of all, however tightly it may be worded, can provide absolute security against the risks of deception and evasion. But it can — if it is sufficiently effective in its enforcement and if it is sufficiently in the interests of its signers — offer far more security and far fewer risks than an unabated, uncontrolled, unpredictable arms race.
The United States, as the world knows, will never start a war.
[Editor’s Note: Although President Kennedy had decided not to invade Vietnam and to begin de-escalating the US military presence in Southeast Asia within the coming year, barely 9 months after his assassination in 1963, Kennedy’s successor and the Pentagon lied to the American people about an “attack” in the Gulf of Tonkin in order to stage a full-scale US invasion of Vietnam that would last for 11 long years, costing the lives of 3 to 4 million innocent Southeast Asians and nearly 60,000 US troops. And future wars of aggression, conducted by future US Presidents, would result in the loss of hundreds of thousands of more lives.]
KENNEDY: We do not want a war. We do not now expect a war. This generation of Americans has already had enough — more than enough — of war and hate and oppression. We shall be prepared if others wish it. We shall be alert to try to stop it. But we shall also do our part to build a world of peace where the weak are safe and the strong are just. We are not helpless before that task or hopeless of its success. Confident and unafraid, we labor on — not toward a strategy of annihilation but toward a strategy of peace.
Thank you.
Photo by: Arnie Sachs/CNP/Getty Images
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